In her chapter Empowerment Just Happened:The Unexpected Expansion of Women's Organizations Irene Tinker discusses the rise of women's empowerment within the developmental sphere. Tinker connects the rise of the women's movement for social justice around the world with three important events-"the crumbling of the colonial order; the establishment of the United Nations; and the reinvigoration of the international and U.S. women's movement (271)." Tinker devotes a large portion of her concluding chapter discussing the consequences of these action.
However, the found the second portion of this chapter, in which she discusses the unintended affects of economic development on culture.
In her conclusion, Tinker points to the existence of "a global women's movement, with varied priorities and practices but united in its goal of empowering women (299)." Given the multiple definitions of empowerment and the varied "priorities and practices"t, I find it difficult to point to the existence of a "global women's movement." It might be more effective to discuss the women's movement in different countries or regions because patriarchy is not manifested the same in each country, nor are the roles of women the same.
From my previous entries, it might appear that I am very critical of this book. However, I have found it really useful in pointing to the effects of development, especially economic reform, on women, which is something that I have never thought about. At the same time, I got a sense that the author's pointed to the downsides of a universal theory but always went back to the notion of maintaining a universal. Perhaps this has to do with the fact that many of the authors are practitioners and professionals, very embedded within the current orthodoxy that they cannot look outside the notion of having a framework.
Friday, December 18, 2009
Chapter 11- Women's Movements in the Globalizing World: The Case of Thailand
This chapter focused on the women's environmental movement in Thailand, where women became active in the environment by participating in civil society organizations, which Pongsapich argues are different from civil society movements of the past because of the ways in which they actively engage with the political sphere. According to Pongsapich these "movements challenge conventional representative democracy and traditional concepts of government (224)." In her description of these social movements Pongsapich argues that many of these new social movements have taken the form of antiglobalization movements, connected transnationally and having a high degree of flexibility in terms of sharing information and resources. With higher degree of transnational connectedness, these new social movements are able to negotiate with supranational structures while at the same time increasing their ability to negotiate with the state (224-226).
Amara Pongsapich documents four case studies that demonstrate ways in which women have "played key roles in grassroots organizations attempting to halt or shape government infrastructure projects (230)." These cases point to the divide between developmental professionals' notions of a local communities' needs and those very same needs as defined by members of that specific community (234). In many cases, these "needs" are not the same, and might even be in opposition to one another. This is a major critique of the growth-centered developmental paradigm because it conceives of individuals as objects of development rather than participants.
Pongsapich points to a correlation between the commitment of women to "environmental protection and to a more human-centered approach to development (219)." Although the exact causal relationship between the two is unclear (are new transnational social movements causing a shift in the dominant developmental paradigm within the international level or are these movements a result of a shift within the developmental orthodox) I disagree with Pongsapich's correlation between the mobilization of women and a human centered approach to development. These women were not responding to wider trends in developmental theory, rather they were responding to their everyday needs. Ecological crises, resulting from the mis-management of resources or industrialization, is often harmful to women because they often depend on the environment for food, fuel, ect. By placing these women within the larger context of developmental theory, the author is removing some of these women's agency because they are seen as responding to ideas that are outside their immediate environment, rather than recognizing the needs of their communities and surroundings, which probably offers a more realistic explain their mobilization.
In class, we have discussed the process by which human-centered approaches to development have been co-opted by developmental agencies, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, in order to serve their agenda of growth-centered development. This chapter has failed to acknowledge this very process, which has been mentioned elsewhere in the book, especially in terns of gendered approaches. Rather than seeing development paradigms as a battleground, Pongsapich makes it appear as if the developmental orthodoxy can change simply because locals (the objects of development) mobilize and demand a different approach.
Amara Pongsapich documents four case studies that demonstrate ways in which women have "played key roles in grassroots organizations attempting to halt or shape government infrastructure projects (230)." These cases point to the divide between developmental professionals' notions of a local communities' needs and those very same needs as defined by members of that specific community (234). In many cases, these "needs" are not the same, and might even be in opposition to one another. This is a major critique of the growth-centered developmental paradigm because it conceives of individuals as objects of development rather than participants.
Pongsapich points to a correlation between the commitment of women to "environmental protection and to a more human-centered approach to development (219)." Although the exact causal relationship between the two is unclear (are new transnational social movements causing a shift in the dominant developmental paradigm within the international level or are these movements a result of a shift within the developmental orthodox) I disagree with Pongsapich's correlation between the mobilization of women and a human centered approach to development. These women were not responding to wider trends in developmental theory, rather they were responding to their everyday needs. Ecological crises, resulting from the mis-management of resources or industrialization, is often harmful to women because they often depend on the environment for food, fuel, ect. By placing these women within the larger context of developmental theory, the author is removing some of these women's agency because they are seen as responding to ideas that are outside their immediate environment, rather than recognizing the needs of their communities and surroundings, which probably offers a more realistic explain their mobilization.
In class, we have discussed the process by which human-centered approaches to development have been co-opted by developmental agencies, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, in order to serve their agenda of growth-centered development. This chapter has failed to acknowledge this very process, which has been mentioned elsewhere in the book, especially in terns of gendered approaches. Rather than seeing development paradigms as a battleground, Pongsapich makes it appear as if the developmental orthodoxy can change simply because locals (the objects of development) mobilize and demand a different approach.
Chapter 3 and 8
In the chapter entitled On Loan From Home: Women's Participation in Formulating Human Settlement Policies Faranak Miraftab investigates the participation of women in organizations that formulate human settlement policies at the community, local and national level. This emphasis on women's physical presence within an organization stems from the women in development (WID) approach that I have discussed earlier and we have learned about in class. Miraftab synthesizes data collected by the Women and Habitat Programme of the UN Center for Human Settlements and published in their reports. Miraftab finds that "women constitute between 30 and 40 percent of government employees in human settlement-related government departments and organizations at the municipal, provincial, and central levels." However, there are fewer women present within higher levels of authority. The data also shows that there are fewer women enrolled in educational programs that would prepare them for employment with the field of development of human settlements (177-178).
In order to explain these institutional gender gaps Miraftab points to polices that result in gender discrimination despite the absence of gender differentiation (treating men and women equally ignores the different roles of men and women); political disadvantage faced by women because they often lack the political connections that would enable them to be appointed to positions of authority; despite having access to institutional resources women often lack the final say in decisions; stereotypes that do not allow women to escape their role as mothers and wives (women are unable to advance because work is seen as an activity that is engaged in before motherhood and cannot be done simultaneously); and the increasing vulnerability of women in governmental jobs because of neo-liberal policies (governmental downsizing makes the position of female employees very tenious) (179-187).
I found Miraftab's explanations for decreased female participation within governmental organizations very persuasive, however, the author's suggestions for addressing these gaps do not get at the causes that she presents. Rather, Miraftab advocates affirmative action programs at the university level, the establishing of mechanisms to promote gender equity in the recruitment and promotion of women in the workplace, the recognition of different needs of female employee, ect. (188). All of these suggestions seemed aimed at increasing female participation within organizations. However, it just seems unlikely that increased female participation is possible especially if women's roles remain the same. Also, these policies would be implemented within the same organizations who have resisted completely implementing gender equity policies. The success of such suggestions is unlikely because of the nature of bureaucratic resistance to the implementation of gender policies, which David Hirschmann discusses in his chapter.
In his chapter entitled From "Home Economics" to "Microfinance" Gender Rhetoric and Bureaucratic Resistance David Hirschmann shows how entrenched attitudes regarding women can affect the implementation of gender policies (especially, the types of reforms that Miraftab calls for). Hirschmann uses four anecdotes spanning a twenty year period to illustrate his argument that the rise of gender rhetoric within international institutions has not resulted in a similar rise of gender equality within bureaucracies and developmental agencies. Rather these actors have found new ways of maintaining gender inequality through organizational biases (patriarchal hierarchy), and policies. Over time, these bureaucracies have changed their strategies for resisting gender mainstreaming. While playing lip-service to the notion of gender, bureaucrats have been able to limit the scope of their activities preventing any substantial progress for women's equality.
During the 1980s, projects focused on "home economics" which maintained the "traditional and customary" roles of women within the home, despite the fact that many women work outside the home. Rather than improving the postition of women within the larger society, women's lives were only improved within the home. This strategy did little to achieve widespread equality. Then, with the advent of the neo-liberal model, which its belief in the market's ability to resolve imbalanced markets, professionals also developed a laisse faire attitude toward gender policies. By the late 1990s, gender was attached to the goal of democracy. This association did little to help women because goal of democracy susperseded that of gender equality. Rather than focusing on different social groups and actors, democratization sees society as homogenous. Because society is homogenous, there can be no gender agenda. The last example that Hirschman looks at is microfinance, which acknowledges the role of women as financial actors, however, it limits them to the small scale.
Hirschman's anecdotes reveals many of Miraftab's findings with regards to the absence of women within organizations, especially within positions of authority (many of his interactions seem to be with men). Unlike Miraftab, Hirschman calls for the integration of gender within economic policy analysis so that resources can be assigned according to gender in order to achieve gender mainstreaming (86). Rather than calling for mechanisms to ensure equality Hirschman sees the allocation of resources as the way of achieving gender mainstreaming within NGOs.
In order to explain these institutional gender gaps Miraftab points to polices that result in gender discrimination despite the absence of gender differentiation (treating men and women equally ignores the different roles of men and women); political disadvantage faced by women because they often lack the political connections that would enable them to be appointed to positions of authority; despite having access to institutional resources women often lack the final say in decisions; stereotypes that do not allow women to escape their role as mothers and wives (women are unable to advance because work is seen as an activity that is engaged in before motherhood and cannot be done simultaneously); and the increasing vulnerability of women in governmental jobs because of neo-liberal policies (governmental downsizing makes the position of female employees very tenious) (179-187).
I found Miraftab's explanations for decreased female participation within governmental organizations very persuasive, however, the author's suggestions for addressing these gaps do not get at the causes that she presents. Rather, Miraftab advocates affirmative action programs at the university level, the establishing of mechanisms to promote gender equity in the recruitment and promotion of women in the workplace, the recognition of different needs of female employee, ect. (188). All of these suggestions seemed aimed at increasing female participation within organizations. However, it just seems unlikely that increased female participation is possible especially if women's roles remain the same. Also, these policies would be implemented within the same organizations who have resisted completely implementing gender equity policies. The success of such suggestions is unlikely because of the nature of bureaucratic resistance to the implementation of gender policies, which David Hirschmann discusses in his chapter.
In his chapter entitled From "Home Economics" to "Microfinance" Gender Rhetoric and Bureaucratic Resistance David Hirschmann shows how entrenched attitudes regarding women can affect the implementation of gender policies (especially, the types of reforms that Miraftab calls for). Hirschmann uses four anecdotes spanning a twenty year period to illustrate his argument that the rise of gender rhetoric within international institutions has not resulted in a similar rise of gender equality within bureaucracies and developmental agencies. Rather these actors have found new ways of maintaining gender inequality through organizational biases (patriarchal hierarchy), and policies. Over time, these bureaucracies have changed their strategies for resisting gender mainstreaming. While playing lip-service to the notion of gender, bureaucrats have been able to limit the scope of their activities preventing any substantial progress for women's equality.
During the 1980s, projects focused on "home economics" which maintained the "traditional and customary" roles of women within the home, despite the fact that many women work outside the home. Rather than improving the postition of women within the larger society, women's lives were only improved within the home. This strategy did little to achieve widespread equality. Then, with the advent of the neo-liberal model, which its belief in the market's ability to resolve imbalanced markets, professionals also developed a laisse faire attitude toward gender policies. By the late 1990s, gender was attached to the goal of democracy. This association did little to help women because goal of democracy susperseded that of gender equality. Rather than focusing on different social groups and actors, democratization sees society as homogenous. Because society is homogenous, there can be no gender agenda. The last example that Hirschman looks at is microfinance, which acknowledges the role of women as financial actors, however, it limits them to the small scale.
Hirschman's anecdotes reveals many of Miraftab's findings with regards to the absence of women within organizations, especially within positions of authority (many of his interactions seem to be with men). Unlike Miraftab, Hirschman calls for the integration of gender within economic policy analysis so that resources can be assigned according to gender in order to achieve gender mainstreaming (86). Rather than calling for mechanisms to ensure equality Hirschman sees the allocation of resources as the way of achieving gender mainstreaming within NGOs.
Chapter 6 and 7
Just because a policy or idea does not actively mention gender, we tend to think of it as gender-neutral. However, because men and women serve different social roles, especially within developing countries, where social roles based on gender are more rigid than Northern countries, the implementation of economic reforms will undoubtedly affect men and women differently. This has been true in the case of property titling reforms.
In their chapter entitled Unequal Rights: Women and Property Diana Lee-Smith, Catalina Hinchey and Trujillo look at the affects on property titling programs on women in general. The authors argue that "current inequalities have arisen in a multiplicity of ways in different societies, based on how wealth is generated and how systems of governance and institutions have evolved (160)." Rather than seeing the main cause of present wealth gender inequalities as a consequence of recent changes in the global system (e.g. globalization), Lee-Smith and Trujillo see them as part of wider, older social causes. Despite making this distinction, the authors specifically look at the affect of land reform on women. Although the legal frameworks associated with land reforms often ensure equal rights for men and women in terms of property rights, these laws generally
In her chapter Gender Equity and Rural Land Reforms in China Gale Summerfield specifically looks at the effect of a private property initiative undertaken by the Chinese state in 1983. Summerfield shows the multi-dimensional nature of these reforms, focusing on their impact on women's roles within agricultural households and their affect on traditional clan connections. In many of the chapters I have read, the concentration of women within one sector (feminization of agriculture) and reforms that aim at improving women's roles within the domestic sphere are presented in a negative light (as ways of resisting gender equity) however, I do not necessarily see the harm in inproving the quality of women's lives in roles that they already have then seeking to change these roles. In many Souther countries, unemployment is very high, so I think it is a bit short-sighted to advocate women's access to the market and capital given the fact that many men cannot find employment as well.
Summerfield's account of the effects of properting in rural China is interesting because it does not seem to be advocating one perspective alone. Rather than arguing that properting decrease traditional social ties, Summerfield she looks at the multiple affects of properting on rural society. Regarding the "feminization of agriculture" Summerfield argues that this occurs at the expense of women's agency. However, the term agency is so difficult to define. I do agree that women are being limited to the agriultural sector but I do not necessarily think that this is a bad thing for the short-term. Traditionally, women have been limited t certain professions, like nursing, teaching, ect. However, after awhile there was change. So maybe the agricultural sector might be a good place for women to begin seeking further advances within the economy.
In their chapter entitled Unequal Rights: Women and Property Diana Lee-Smith, Catalina Hinchey and Trujillo look at the affects on property titling programs on women in general. The authors argue that "current inequalities have arisen in a multiplicity of ways in different societies, based on how wealth is generated and how systems of governance and institutions have evolved (160)." Rather than seeing the main cause of present wealth gender inequalities as a consequence of recent changes in the global system (e.g. globalization), Lee-Smith and Trujillo see them as part of wider, older social causes. Despite making this distinction, the authors specifically look at the affect of land reform on women. Although the legal frameworks associated with land reforms often ensure equal rights for men and women in terms of property rights, these laws generally
In her chapter Gender Equity and Rural Land Reforms in China Gale Summerfield specifically looks at the effect of a private property initiative undertaken by the Chinese state in 1983. Summerfield shows the multi-dimensional nature of these reforms, focusing on their impact on women's roles within agricultural households and their affect on traditional clan connections. In many of the chapters I have read, the concentration of women within one sector (feminization of agriculture) and reforms that aim at improving women's roles within the domestic sphere are presented in a negative light (as ways of resisting gender equity) however, I do not necessarily see the harm in inproving the quality of women's lives in roles that they already have then seeking to change these roles. In many Souther countries, unemployment is very high, so I think it is a bit short-sighted to advocate women's access to the market and capital given the fact that many men cannot find employment as well.
Summerfield's account of the effects of properting in rural China is interesting because it does not seem to be advocating one perspective alone. Rather than arguing that properting decrease traditional social ties, Summerfield she looks at the multiple affects of properting on rural society. Regarding the "feminization of agriculture" Summerfield argues that this occurs at the expense of women's agency. However, the term agency is so difficult to define. I do agree that women are being limited to the agriultural sector but I do not necessarily think that this is a bad thing for the short-term. Traditionally, women have been limited t certain professions, like nursing, teaching, ect. However, after awhile there was change. So maybe the agricultural sector might be a good place for women to begin seeking further advances within the economy.
Chapter 5
Similar to David Hirschman's chapter about bureaucratic resistance to the implementation of gender equality, Marunja Barrig tried to understand why gender analysis has been rejected in the rural Andes. Barrig identifies three sources for this rejection. The first focuses on representations of "the Andean" especially indigenous women. Ethnographers often represent the power relations between Andean men and women as characterized by the notion of "symmetrical duality" (113). Ethnographers also explain current inequality because of modern influences. Tensions between indigenous rights and individual rights, and the policies of international institutions and power relations between these institutions and Southern NGOs. In the previous chapter, when Louise Fortmann discusses contextualizing knowledge, the work of ethnographers appears to be part of this. However, as Barrig shows, there is still a tendency to romanticize and create knowledge that fits within the scientists' schema rather than seeing their subjects for who they are.
This chapter reveals the tension between universal theory and homogenous culture. Attached to universal notions of economic growth and the necessary political systems to further than system, is a moral-value system that privileges certain practices and customs over others. For example, it is customary for Andean women to give birth standing up. Health clinics in the Andes have not taken account of this custom and not integrated this with the services that they provide. Clinics are available but not being utilized by the indigenous population because they do not honor their customs.
This chapter reveals the tension between universal theory and homogenous culture. Attached to universal notions of economic growth and the necessary political systems to further than system, is a moral-value system that privileges certain practices and customs over others. For example, it is customary for Andean women to give birth standing up. Health clinics in the Andes have not taken account of this custom and not integrated this with the services that they provide. Clinics are available but not being utilized by the indigenous population because they do not honor their customs.
Chapters 4, 9, 10
In the chapter In Theory and in Practice: Women Creating Better Accounts of the World, Louise Fortmann explores how "theory and practice rooted in situated knowledges can be used to develop better accounts of the world (192)." There seems to be two levels of contextualized knowledge. The first deals with looking at women's interaction within the environment, women are often represented as "victims, perpetuators, or managers/stewards (193)." Then, Fortmann discusses situating knowledge of women in the North and South. Rather than thinking of women's experiences in the North and the South as divergent, there are more similarities than one would expect. For example, poor women in the North and South have more in common with each other than they would with upper class women.. Taken together, the author argues "for the practice of an interdependent science that eschews hierarchal notions of whose knowledge counts and what kinds of voices are permitted (193)." "Interdependent knowledge" is the collaboration of civil and conventional sciences in order to "develop better accounts of the world (198)."
Fortmann presents "interdependent knowledge" as a means of bridging the gap between theory and practice because it presents a more nuanced image of the world, especially gender, based on formal (conventional science) and informal (civil science) experiments and observations. In her conclusion Fortmann states, "This chapter has shown that women's research and practice has led to better accounts of the world through making neglected social actors and social relations visible, by bringing actors and social relations thought to be distinct into conversation with each other and by embracing and utilizing difference and collaboration rather than hierarchy" in her conclusion (200). I believe this is a good example of my main critique of the book so far because it demonstrates the authors' desire to compensate for the weaknesses of having a developmental orthodoxy by infusing this orthodoxy with a more nuanced picture. However, the picture of women's experience is so vast and varied that I do not believe that universalism can even begin to account for these differences without losing its appeal as a universal.
In the article Women's Work: The Kitchen Kills More Than the Sword Kirk Smith looks at the affect of poverty on women's and children's health [Smith defines health in terms of the "years lost given the life expectancy of a person of that particular age and sex (204)"]. The biggest cause of lost years for women and children in developing countries is acute lower respiratory infection (ALRI, old SARS), which is caused by "exposure to indoor pollution resulting from poor fuels and unvented cookstoves". Because it is difficult to treat old SARS once it has infected the individual, prevention is the only way of stopping the disease (202-203). Much of Smith's article is informed by his research in Guatemala in which he studies the impact of indoor air pollution on the health of women and children (209). His research focuses on the benefits of improved wood stoves with chimneys on the health of women and children living in the village. Besides the health benefits of these stoves, Smith's research noted additional non-health benefits such as reduced fuel consumption, improved household hygiene, and improved quality of life. Smith's researchers found that households often re-built their kitchens in anticipation of a new stove (212). These benefits all improve the quality of life, not just health, for women in the household.
However, Smith identifies the burden in having to empirically prove the health dangers of indoor pollution in order to secure funding for prevention rather than treatment. Also, researchers must show demonstrate benefits in different areas (212). This demonstrates that the relationship between donors and recipients in not one based on need alone. Rather, requests for funds must be articulated in such a way as to demonstrate their cost effectiveness. This highlights another major flaw of a universal paradigm. Universal paradigms award too much power to donors, individuals and agencies, who are more interested in perpetuating their own agendas rather than listening to micro-level analysis, like the research that individuals like Kirk Smith are undertaking.
Sylvia Chant discusses the "contributions of a gender perspective on the analysis of poverty ()." Conceptually, this chapter follows the same train of thought as Fortmann and Smith's pieces because of its emphasis on contextualizing knowledge. Rather than looking at poverty from the macro-level, Chant looks at poverty in terms of gender and the effect of economic policies on women's lives. Chant discusses "feminization of poverty" in which she points to the unequal effects of SAPs on female and male headed households. Female headed households are described as being among the poorest of the poor (90).
These articles have focused on a move away from the singular. Fortmann calls for collaboration between two kinds of science, while Smith looks studies the health effects of micro-level policies and Chant speaks about the movement away from income as the main determinant of poverty. The nuanced and contextualized image of women and their social duties is very interesting and the author's recommendations for improving their quality of live seem well-suited to the needs of these women. However, as the Smith article demonstrated it is difficult to secure funding from donors before establishing the cost effectiveness of these measures.
Fortmann presents "interdependent knowledge" as a means of bridging the gap between theory and practice because it presents a more nuanced image of the world, especially gender, based on formal (conventional science) and informal (civil science) experiments and observations. In her conclusion Fortmann states, "This chapter has shown that women's research and practice has led to better accounts of the world through making neglected social actors and social relations visible, by bringing actors and social relations thought to be distinct into conversation with each other and by embracing and utilizing difference and collaboration rather than hierarchy" in her conclusion (200). I believe this is a good example of my main critique of the book so far because it demonstrates the authors' desire to compensate for the weaknesses of having a developmental orthodoxy by infusing this orthodoxy with a more nuanced picture. However, the picture of women's experience is so vast and varied that I do not believe that universalism can even begin to account for these differences without losing its appeal as a universal.
In the article Women's Work: The Kitchen Kills More Than the Sword Kirk Smith looks at the affect of poverty on women's and children's health [Smith defines health in terms of the "years lost given the life expectancy of a person of that particular age and sex (204)"]. The biggest cause of lost years for women and children in developing countries is acute lower respiratory infection (ALRI, old SARS), which is caused by "exposure to indoor pollution resulting from poor fuels and unvented cookstoves". Because it is difficult to treat old SARS once it has infected the individual, prevention is the only way of stopping the disease (202-203). Much of Smith's article is informed by his research in Guatemala in which he studies the impact of indoor air pollution on the health of women and children (209). His research focuses on the benefits of improved wood stoves with chimneys on the health of women and children living in the village. Besides the health benefits of these stoves, Smith's research noted additional non-health benefits such as reduced fuel consumption, improved household hygiene, and improved quality of life. Smith's researchers found that households often re-built their kitchens in anticipation of a new stove (212). These benefits all improve the quality of life, not just health, for women in the household.
However, Smith identifies the burden in having to empirically prove the health dangers of indoor pollution in order to secure funding for prevention rather than treatment. Also, researchers must show demonstrate benefits in different areas (212). This demonstrates that the relationship between donors and recipients in not one based on need alone. Rather, requests for funds must be articulated in such a way as to demonstrate their cost effectiveness. This highlights another major flaw of a universal paradigm. Universal paradigms award too much power to donors, individuals and agencies, who are more interested in perpetuating their own agendas rather than listening to micro-level analysis, like the research that individuals like Kirk Smith are undertaking.
Sylvia Chant discusses the "contributions of a gender perspective on the analysis of poverty ()." Conceptually, this chapter follows the same train of thought as Fortmann and Smith's pieces because of its emphasis on contextualizing knowledge. Rather than looking at poverty from the macro-level, Chant looks at poverty in terms of gender and the effect of economic policies on women's lives. Chant discusses "feminization of poverty" in which she points to the unequal effects of SAPs on female and male headed households. Female headed households are described as being among the poorest of the poor (90).
These articles have focused on a move away from the singular. Fortmann calls for collaboration between two kinds of science, while Smith looks studies the health effects of micro-level policies and Chant speaks about the movement away from income as the main determinant of poverty. The nuanced and contextualized image of women and their social duties is very interesting and the author's recommendations for improving their quality of live seem well-suited to the needs of these women. However, as the Smith article demonstrated it is difficult to secure funding from donors before establishing the cost effectiveness of these measures.
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