Sunday, October 25, 2009

Chapter 2

In their chapter Mainstreaming Gender in International Organizations Elisabeth Prugl and Audrey Lustgarten discuss gender mainstreaming within international organizations (United Nations Development Program, World Bank and International Labor Organization). Prugl and Lustgarten argue that the organizational processes and politics of international organizations give meaning to the notion of gender mainstreaming. Before beginning their analysis of gender, the authors provide a basic definition of mainstreaming, focused on the United Nations Economic and Social Council's (ECOSOC) definition. This definition (which emerged from the gender and development approach) sees unequal gender power relations as the result of practices embedded within institutions. As such, the primary tool for equalizing these power relations would be to to focus on changing institutions and women's role within them rather than providing aid directly to women.


The authors go on to discuss three components of ECOSOC's definition of mainstreaming. The first is "infusing gender considerations into organizational processes" the second is "integrating concerns of men and women ...in the output of organizations" and the third is "specifying the goal of mainstreaming is equality between men and women" (56). These level play a crucial role in Prugl and Lustarten's analysis. They argue that each international organization that they analyze focuses on one aspect of mainstreaming. The UNDP focuses on processes, the World Bank on policy and the ILO on defining gender equality. As the writers present a historical overview of each aspect of gender mainstreaming within these international organizations, they also point to the limitations of implementing each aspect within a specific organization. For example, the ILO's focus on specifying equality but achieving this might be difficult because of its "commitment to tripartism (67)." WIthin the ILO tripartism is "social dialogue between unions, employer organizations and government as a means toward establishing social justice (67)." Unfortunately, women are not represented in any of these groups, making it difficult to implement feminist policies.


The connection between women's presence and feminist policies does not seem to be necessary. Men in these organizations should be capable of considering male and female interests in potential policies. Just like these individuals are capable of making policies that affect citizens of developing countries, then they should be able to weigh both sides of the gender debate when formulating policies. At the same time, the presence of women in international organizations does not necessarily mean that there will be a change in organizational culture. This view assumes that an individual's gender plays a large role in determining their priorities or interests. Other characteristics like ethnicity, education and social-class play a role in shaping interests, not just gender.


The main argument was the use of co-option and subversion of gender mainstreaming by the UNDP, World Bank and ILO and tying mainstreaming to each organizations' agenda. The author's examination of mainstreaming in the World Bank shows the gender mainstreaming focuses on social issues rather than markets and neo-liberal economics. The authors point to the dialectic between feminists within international organizations and those without to prevent complete co-option of gender mainstreaming by international organizations. Feminist scholars and activists would encourage accountability and legitimacy of feminists within international organizations.


The article is very focused on gender mainstreaming from a top-down perspective. In the end the authors point to the possibility of feminist scholars and activists encouraging accountability within international organizations, however, they do not go into sufficient detail about the mechanism to achieve this change. There does not seem to be any incentive for feminists within international organizations to engage with feminists scholars and activists once the agenda of feminists within international organizations have been co-opted by these organizations.


The article's focus on gender mainstreaming within international organizations does not leave room for the investigation of bottom-up processes which work to increase gender equality, however, these processes are just as likely to increase gender awareness. Increasing female organization from the bottom up also has the two-fold benefit of strengthening civil society while working to achieve gender equality.


Given the focus on gender mainstreaming within institutions, the authors do not give much importance to the state. The state can be an important actor in changing social practices and spear-head efforts to increase gender equality and increase female participation within state institutions. A bottom-up approach to gender mainstreaming would then have the added benefit of increasing participation and accountability towards a large minority group, women. At the same time, this would foster civil society and increase democratic practice.

Saturday, October 17, 2009

Introduction and Chapter 1

Every time I am presented with the opportunity to study a topic of my own choosing, I invariably choose to write about women. First, it was feminism in 1950's America, then it was legal representations of female converts in the 18th century Ottoman and Venetian legal accounts and now its women in development. Women's experiences of life is so different from a man's that we are justified in investigating how these differences manifest themselves. In Women and Gender Equity in Development Theory and Practice the editors Jane Jaquette and Gale Summerfield looks at institutions, resources and mobilization in terms of development and women, in a collection of articles written scholars and activists.


In their Introduction, the editors discuss the potential for institutions to create opportunities and barriers for women's development, increasing women's control of resources and women's mobilization and power. Within these topics, they pointed to various themes, including the role of the state, a broader definition of women's development not solely focused on the south, the role of globalization and the discrepancy between practice and theory.


I am looking forward to learning more about women's development in the North and how that is address because I do find the idea very interesting. So far in class we have talked about development as an state that has been reached in Northern countries. To a large extent, this is true, however, I find it troublesome to define a "developed state" as something that is static. Standards of development change over time (from focusing on economic growth to human development) and this should cause us to constantly re-evaluate whether or not Northern countries are maintaining these standards. For example, as the recent health care debate in the United States has demonstrated, the question of heath care for the entire population has not been decided, and efforts to provide universal heath care met with strong resistance. Obviously, the problems of Northern countries pale in comparison to the humanitarian problems in Southern countries, but by judging Northern countries by their standards of development we might be able to see how realistic some of the goals that we expect Southern states to reach are.


In the first chapter Women, Gender, and Development Jane Jaquette and Kathleen Staudt review the women in development (WID) and gender and development (GAD) approaches to development. The authors argue that both models reflect general trends in feminist theory (WID was influenced by Northern feminism in the 1970s while GAD was a rise to the rise of postcolonial feminism). The authors believe that the re-structing of the international system that occurred after the September 11, may push aside or distort women's agendas, therefore, they hope that by presenting the debate between WID and GAD they might be able to "provoke creating thinking (19)."


Jaquette and Staudt devote a large part of the chapter investigating how shifts within the international system affect how women's role in development are perceived. They outline three major shifts in the international system, which have a profound impact on the way that women's issues are addressed. These shifts in the international system (coinciding with changes in American foreign policy) occurred during the 1970s, with the rise of dependency theory and the United Nations calling for a redistribution of resources from the North to the South, the 1980s, with the rejection of the Keynesian consensus and the rise of the Washington Consensus which was based on the neo-liberal economic model. These changes within the international system had profound impact on the way that the women agenda in development was conceived. For example, during the 1970s the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women focused on improving women's legal status, coinciding with the rise of dependency theory's influence. Eventually, agents of development saw that legal status alone does not guarantee social and economic equality.


The authors do not put forth a new theory for women's development, however, they highlight "four arenas of power that must be taken into account in any revitalized effort to address women's practical and strategic interests (40)." These arenas are bureaucracies, civil societies, states and markets. In class we have discussed civil society and the state. Jaquette and Staudt argued that the state has an important role in women's development because cultural-social norms in some Southern countries work against them by "implementing norms, disciplining norms, and making investment in public goods (44)." Going forward, I believe that increasing women's access to markets is crucial because when women have increased economic power they can influence the distribution of money with the household. For example, when women are in charge of family finances they devote a much greater percentage of money to nutrition and education than when men alone are responsible for household spending. With a simple change in the familial power relations there can be ripple effects for education and heath of children. With better heath and education human development becomes within reach than it would have been otherwise. Obviously, an education system must be in place for any of this to be possible.